Jul 204 min read

External Affairs Minister Jaishankar at SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization)Summit : Key Takeaways and Implications for India

On July 4, 2024, the final day of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit in Kazakhstan’s capital Astana, Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar engaged in talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi. This summit was significant as it saw bilateral meetings between Jaishankar and his counterparts from various SCO members, including Tajikistan, Russia, and the newest member, Belarus.

The SCO originated from the “Shanghai Five” formed in 1996, consisting of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. The dissolution of the USSR in 1991 led to regional concerns about extremist religious groups and ethnic tensions, prompting the formation of a grouping to cooperate on security matters.
Building on the Shanghai Five, the SCO was established on June 15, 2001, in Shanghai as an international organization, with Uzbekistan joining as the sixth member. Before the inclusion of Belarus, the SCO had nine members: India, Iran, Kazakhstan, China, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. Afghanistan and Mongolia hold Observer Status.

The SCO is one of the few international organizations focusing on security issues with primarily Asian members. Russia and China, as regional heavyweights, stress its position as an alternative to a “Western” international order.
Alongside the BRICS grouping, which includes India, South Africa, and Brazil, Russia and China are seen as positioning against US influence.
Despite declarations of a “limitless friendship” between China and Russia, there is a sense of competition between them over influence at such forums.
The Central Asian republics have traditionally been viewed as part of Russia’s sphere of influence, but China has sought to leverage the oil and gas-rich nations through investments in massive infrastructure projects, part of its larger Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

India's SCO membership allows it to participate in a forum that enhances its scope of cooperation with Central Asian countries, which have not had particularly close relations with India since their formation in 1991. It also facilitates communication with major regional actors on common security issues.
One significant permanent structure within the SCO is the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS). It assists members in preparing and staging counter-terrorism exercises, analyzing key intelligence information from member states, and sharing information on terrorist movements and drug trafficking.

The relevance of the SCO for India is tempered by the difficulty in managing ties among the partners. India shares tense relationships with China and Pakistan. When the summit was to be held under India’s presidency, it opted for a virtual summit due to these strained ties.
During the New Delhi Declaration at the end of the leaders’ summit, India refused to support a paragraph endorsing the BRI. India's opposition to the BRI stems from its inclusion of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), proposed to pass through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which India views as a violation of its territorial integrity and sovereignty.

The SCO has been expanding its membership in recent years, reflecting the shifting geopolitical landscape. Belarus and Iran have transitioned from Observer Status to full membership. Belarus was formally admitted on July 4, 2024, while Iran joined last year.
The inclusion of India and Pakistan in 2017 also reflects the geopolitical jostling within the region. Russia supported India's entry as a longstanding strategic partner, while China backed its ally Pakistan to prevent the balance of power from tilting in Russia’s favor.

The SCO's larger expansion must be viewed in the context of the deteriorating ties between the United States and Russia and China. Events such as the 2022 Russia-Ukraine War and trade tensions with China, which began under US President Donald Trump, have further motivated Russia and China to include more countries in their grouping.
Chinese state media outlet Global Times reported in 2023 that Iran’s inclusion was seen as a step to enhance the international status and influence of the SCO. For Iran, it represented an important step in breaking the US diplomatic blockade.

While the SCO has grown, there are criticisms regarding its effectiveness. The Financial Times noted that the opaque parameters it uses to launch initiatives allow countries to overlook rivalries without resolving underlying tensions. For instance, the SCO embraces both Pakistan and India despite their hostile ties, and India’s relationship with China remains tense on several fronts.
Yun Sun, director of the China Program at the Stimson Center, commented that the vague language of most SCO initiatives allows countries to offer rhetorical support without significant commitments. When push comes to shove, member countries prioritize their own interests over collective action.

The SCO, despite its challenges, remains a significant forum for India and other member states to engage on security and regional cooperation issues.
Its evolving membership and strategic positioning reflect broader geopolitical shifts and the ongoing competition for influence between major powers.

This article is highly relevant for candidates preparing for UPSC CSE, UPSC CAPF, Assistant Commandant, Essay Writing, Current Affairs, NDA, CDS, SSB Interview, AFCAT, IAS, IB ACIO, and Current News. It provides insights into India’s foreign policy, international relations, and strategic interests.
Understanding India's role in the SCO, the geopolitical dynamics, and the challenges of multilateral organizations can help candidates in mains examinations, essay writing, and interviews by showcasing a comprehensive grasp of current global affairs and India's diplomatic engagements.

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